"With care for the person, and an understanding
to human development at the core of interaction, members of the
academy need to respect and encourage authentic voice-that which
is original and meaningful--rather than that which is produced in
a relentless effort to please authority or to attain promotion or
tenure."
When Title VII of the civil Rights Act of 1964 was passed, it was
applauded as a definitive step in controlling sexual discrimination.
Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 provided further protection
for employees and students in educational institutions. These forms
of legislation were milestones in the growing movement for women's
rights in education and the workplace (Random, Strasburg, & Lipman-Blumen,
1982). Progress was being made. Women were entering fields that historically
had been closed to them. Women also were enjoying greater choice in
determining the directions their professional lives would take.
As the 60s and 70s came to a close, however, the political activism
that had spurred the feminist movement waned with false complacency.
As Susan Faludi (1992) described, the dawning of the 80s brought
about a counter assault against women's rights: one third of all
government budgetary cutbacks were from programs that served women,
even though such programs represented only ten percent of the entire
budget. Sexual discrimination charges filed with the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission rose by twenty-five percent during the Reagan
years, and women's general harassment complaints more than doubled
(Faludi, 1992). At the end of the 80s, public opinion polls cited
women's greatest concern still to be their lack of economic opportunity;
their greatest cause for resentment and stress to be men's opposition
to equality (Roper Organization, 1989, as cited in Faludi, 1992).
Without a buffer against the waves of societal influence, it is
inevitable that individuals in classrooms, in graduate schools,
and on faculties of the academy experience and contribute to the
subtle discriminations against women which exist to this day. Today
discrimination does not occur as blatantly as it once did; nonetheless,
women's success and advancement still are affected by gender issues.
In the academy, women continue to be underrepresented in traditionally
male professional schools, they continue to account for a smaller
percentage of terminal graduate degrees, and they hold fewer senior
faculty positions. We believe that higher education organizations
have a responsibility to women as they enter and attempt to advance
their careers in academia as faculty and graduate students. Heretofore,
higher education organizations have promoted mentoring as a vehicle
by which neophytes, whether they are junior faculty or graduate
students, might become socialized to the culture and supported in
their professional pursuits. Despite the fact that untold numbers
of faculty members and graduate students have profited by mentoring
in terms of career success and satisfaction (Perna, Lerner, &
Yura, 1995), many have not. This may be because historically, mentoring
has been characterized more by exclusion than inclusion. Only those
with the most promise, connections, and the proper academic interests
have been tapped for the mentoring process. Others, especially women,
have been excluded. Hall and Sandler (1983) confirmed that, "in
higher education, where senior faculty and administration are predominately
white and male, women are frequently excluded from the long established
informal systems through which senior persons socialize their successors"
(p. 2).
Even though "clear definitions of mentoring in academic settings
are difficult to establish" (Stalker, 1994, p. 362), some transference
of the traditional thoughts about mentoring to higher education
is possible. Unfortunately, and, regardless of the definition, the
pattern of mentoring in higher education has come primarily from
the male perspective that has reinforced the hierarchical relationship
between a valued faculty member and "his" protégé.
While the effect women faculty members have on other women academics
and graduate students can be both positive and productive (Shapiro,
et al., 1980) and can help to counteract that pattern, a problem
still exists. On both a theoretical and a practical level women
are not present in great enough numbers to endorse even the traditional
mentoring model. Males outnumber females by two to one at the associate
level, and five to one at the full professor level (National Center
for Educational Statistics, 1997). This dynamic continues to affect
the retention and promotion of women faculty members. Left on their
own within the often inhospitable climate of academia (Hall &
Sandler, 1983; Stalker, 1994; & Wunsch, 1994), women without
support can easily develop uncomfortable feelings of isolation,
disassociation, and alienation which could result in stunted career
growth (Hill, et al., 1989; Parson, Sands, & Duane, 1991) or
worse, the cessation of their professional pursuits altogether.
In addition to the lack of availability of women mentors, women
have faced other barriers to building mentoring relationships on
campus including the reluctance of some male faculty to mentor women
and the discomfort some women feel about the mentor-protégé
relationship (Hall & Sandler, 1983, Informal interviews, 1998).
In terms of career success, female faculty do not seem to benefit
from traditional mentoring as much as their male counterparts (Hill
et al., 1989). Our experiences, as well as those who have shared
their stories with us, would support this claim.
Consequently, the purpose of this essay is to suggest that mentoring
as it traditionally has been experienced by women in the academy
is insufficient. We will advocate for an academic organization that
is characterized by a more inclusive and egalitarian academic culture
- a culture where there is room for multiple voices and ways of
knowing; where all members are recognized, validated, and appreciated;
and, where each individual is enriched and energized as a result.
Nontraditional Thoughts about Mentoring: Where do the Problems
Lie?
Earlier studies of the organization centered on the analysis of
relationships between and among males of the organization; yet,
in the late seventies women themselves were beginning to investigate
their roles and places in the organization (Hennig & Jardim,
1977; Kanter, 1977). Female theorists believed that the organization
should assume some responsibility for a woman's professional success.
Though Kanter (1977) felt a woman's background, social class, and
outside connections coupled with her sense of drive, ambition, and
inherent ability were the best predictors of her professional success,
she also suggested organizational activities that would encourage
a woman's professional development. Kanter (1977) recommended clustering
women rather than dispersing them throughout an organization, establishing
task related networking for the recruitment and orientation of women,
and creating a flexible organizational culture that would be more
permeable to and less insulated against women and minorities. Others,
such as Bolton (1980), charged organizations with developing networks
for females in occupations where male/female representation was
disproportionate.
At the same time in late 70s and early 80s the mentoring relationship
and its traditional definitions were being challenged and transformed
by feminist theory and research. As more women became involved in
the mentoring process both as participants and observers, their
experiences helped to illuminate weaknesses and deficiencies in
the model itself. Shapiro et al. (1978) proposed that the traditional
models of mentoring were paternalistic, hierarchical, and exclusionary.
They cited that within and during the traditional mentoring relationship,
the mentor is always the mentor and the protégé always
the protégé, contributing to the superior-inferior
nature of the relationship and setting up a hierarchical disadvantage.
Further criticism of the historically male model resulted in Walkins'
(1980) proposal of a new collegial model with room for diversity,
experience, and cross-generational involvement. Similarly, additional
feminist critical analysis resulted in Haring-Hidore's (1987) recommendation
that mentoring relationships should be part of career development
programs, without the selectivity factor, offering an egalitarian
opportunity for all women.
Toward a Re-encultured Organization
The impact of the organization as instrumental in determining women's
professional success has been documented by several theorists. Even
though Kanter, as early as 1977, advocated a permeable organizational
culture through which women and minorities might pass more readily,
attitudes and behaviors have not changed easily. Attempts toward
openness and inclusion continue to meet resistance, though perhaps
more subtly than in earlier decades. Furthermore, mentoring, as
organizations traditionally have practiced it, has bred an egocentricity,
an essentialist notion of "the ways things are," often
suffocating new and alternative views and behaviors. Even today,
the mentor, often in a superior position to the less experienced
protégé, typically perpetuates the organizational
history and the existing culture by enforcing traditional parameters
of thinking, valuing, and behaving as Hennig and Jardim (1977) suggested
years ago.
Recognizing Women's Struggles
To overcome some of these barriers, Hall and Sandler (1983) recommended
specific alternative practices in support of women's advancement
in higher education: working with multiple mentors; creating formal
and informal networks; using "paper mentors" (i.e., publications)
(p. 5); utilizing peer mentors, courses, workshops, and small groups;
and connecting with professional organizations. Yet, women beginning
their careers in the academy have continued to experience what Clark
and Corcoran (1986) have termed an "accumulative disadvantage"
(p. 24). Women still struggle with questions about how they will
fit in; how they will accommodate to the patriarchal institution
and become part of it, or resist and risk "anonymity and marginality"
(Stalker, 1994, p. 366). They find it difficult to break into collegial
networks from which they might receive advice, advocacy, and patronage.
Sorted by the bureaucratic, rationalistic structure of mentoring,
their performance judged by the dominant inner circle of male senior
colleagues, women new to academe often find the atmosphere in the
academy at best inhospitable (Hill, Bahniuk, Dobos, & Rouner,
1989; informal interviews, 1998).
Though females have found it easier, of late, to secure an academic
appointment, they are discovering that gaining acceptance, promotion,
and tenure are more of a struggle (National Center for Educational
Statistics, 1997). Unfortunately, traditional male biased professional
development and promotion standards and a preponderance of often
unwritten and culturally reinforced rules complicate women's navigation
through promotion and tenure proceedings and dictate faculty members'
work efforts. Our conversations with women faculty and graduate
students have revealed stories of women walking political tightropes,
feeling silenced (or at least quieted) by senior male faculty, and
learning very quickly the power of prevailing ideas. Women junior
faculty and graduate students experience confrontations over, and
resistance toward, rethinking old ideas and accepting and valuing
different ways of knowing. They often are rebuffed by expressions
of territorial rights and of witnessing their male counterparts
experience more affirmation, encouragement, and collegiality. Women
often describe losing much of the sense of authority they brought
to academe, often having their ideas discounted or dismissed and
feeling their presence diminished. Moreover, they are often burdened
with quasi-clerical tasks and other "programmatic" responsibilities,
their time consumed by non-tenure, non-academically related tasks.
Women experience these conditions just at the time when, being new
to academe and in pursuit of a line of scholarship and inquiry,
they need the support of senior faculty. All of these conditions
can contribute to overwhelming sentiments of disillusionment, potential
failure, and despondency.
The prevailing culture of the academy, then, can not be ignored
for the powerful force it has on a woman's sense of professional
self and her ability to succeed in the organization, or as Andrews
(1984) would describe it, her performance-self-esteem. When performance-self-esteem
is high, Andrews found that an individual is likely to emerge as
a leader. Moreover, the stronger the individual in terms of self-confidence
and performance-self-esteem, the more she is able to become an influential
part of the organizational culture. These considerations can help
explain the psychological stress many women feel in male dominated
cultures when they are not always held in the highest regard. When
self concept levels are adversely affected by such an environment,
their self-esteem suffers, their performance expectations drop,
and their performance-self-esteem, which is critical for success,
diminishes.
If these notions are valid, then stronger, more pervasive support
of women in the academy could result in higher rates of retention,
increased productivity, faculty cohesiveness, and greater commitment
to the organization (Hall & Sandler, 1983). Women supported
and affirmed would be in a position of strength to influence the
organization toward a more egalitarian culture marked with feelings
of community. Their feelings of performance-self-esteem would be
enhanced, their sense of efficacy would be affirmed, and their voices
would be heard as a force for change in the academy. If women are
afforded the opportunity to develop leadership abilities and enjoy
professional success, they are more likely to have an impact on
the organization of which they are a part. Their leadership has
the potential of reinforcing inclusion in the organization by strengthening
and appreciating alternative ideas, voices and behaviors. More importantly,
they will help to overcome what Tompkins (1992) has referred to
as the isolation, loneliness, and disconnection of life in the academy.
We believe in an alternative to mentoring as it has been known.
For the successful socialization and advancement of women within
the academy, the higher education community must prioritize the
replacement of conditions that may be dissuading and discouraging
to women with those which result in an ethos where women are equally
represented in the number of degrees earned, faculty positions obtained,
and senior rankings achieved. This would be a culture where multiple
perspectives are validated and different ways of knowing are respected.
As Wunsch (1994) proclaimed, "only when individuals and institutional
values and goals converge will individual growth and a sense of
community evolve" (p. 10).
Collective Effort
If women are to stand on equal professional footing in predominately
male professions, a new organizational paradigm must emerge. Alternative
voices, experiences, backgrounds, and histories must be acknowledged
as valid. Each and every individual must be considered valuable
to the organization. Compassion, respect, generosity, and connectedness
must be the norm.
It is, of course, the legal responsibility of the institution to
address directly those formal structures which are prohibiting a
more egalitarian approach to promotion and success of women in the
academy. However, if the existing socialization approach (the paternalistic
mentoring of a select few) is unacceptable, then women and concerned
male colleagues within the academy must accept the moral responsibility
to combine their efforts toward the establishment of an altruistic
and collaborative culture where relationships, diversity, and the
development of minds and spirits become paramount. Because the individual
graduate student or junior faculty member, herself, is at-risk professionally
to attempt to effect change, it becomes the charge of faculty as
a whole to begin to stimulate a professional conscience to impact
disparity and exclusivity within the organization. Those in more
secure positions need to disassociate themselves from the prevailing
paternalistic culture, and begin speaking out, acting out, and encouraging
new ways of engaging in the business of the academy. Modeling collaboration,
offering career and intellectual guidance, building friendships,
diffusing power, and disseminating information among all members
of the academy must be their mission.
Belenky, Clinchy, Goldberger, and Tarule (1986) referred to such
an educational culture as one based on connectedness among participants,
where alienation, repression, and division are replaced with community,
shared power, and inclusion, where both minds and spirits are developed.
To make this a reality, individuals in the academy need to listen,
accept, and appreciate the contributions of each other. With care
for the person, and an understanding of human development at the
core of interaction, members of the academy need to respect and
encourage authentic voice--that which is original and meaningful--rather
than that which is produced in a relentless effort to please authority
or to attain promotion or tenure.
Moreover, in support of themselves, women must take on a dichotomous
"oppositional consciousness" (Moglen, 1983, p. 131) where
they oppose the very same culture that they are within. Women can
effect change in the culture by establishing coalitions among themselves
and trusted others, and by capitalizing on their increasing conspicuousness.
Together, women faculty members need to heed the advice of a woman
academic quoted in Aisenberg and Harrington (1988): "Be loud
and make waves and do what you want and be free" (p. 18).
Conclusions
Perhaps then, mentoring, as it traditionally has been described,
is a thing of the past. Perhaps it is an antiquated concept, incompatible
with an organizational model that advocates inclusion, egalitarianism,
and the exploration and encouragement of new ideas. Perhaps it is
incompatible with a professional environment where differences are
not measured vertically, but horizontally, without implying superiority
or inferiority. If so, women in academe, along with committed, caring
others, must influence the culture of higher education to acknowledge
the competency, autonomy, and self-worth of women faculty and students.
The ideal academic community is one in which collaboration displaces
competition, where community displaces isolation, where respect
displaces distrust, and where there is room for all voices, both
traditional and alternative. By these conditions all might be accepted,
appreciated, and recognized for contributions brought to the organization.
The organization, and each individual within it, could only be enriched
and energized as a result. The academy itself, mobilized by a committed,
caring faculty is capable of eradicating practices which have resulted
in women's marginalization and inequality. Inclusionary practices,
such as the support and sponsorship of all who have passed by the
academic gatekeepers, would contribute to a more egalitarian, genuinely
meritocratic culture (Clark & Corcoran, 1986). The campus, as
community, would foster mutually supportive, facilitative educational
relationships. If higher education culture were to change in this
manner, no longer would there be a need for mentoring in the traditional
sense. These changes need to occur in educational organizations
so that women might feel the acceptance and success white males
have known for generations. Support, encouragement, and collaboration
are those seeds which, when sowed, will reap a harvest of greater
professional and academic success in a climate of caring, collegiality,
and community.
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About The Author
Catherine Eggleston Hackney, Ph. D.
Assistant Professor
404 White Hall
Kent State University
Kent, OH 44242
(330) 672-2580
(330) 672-3246 fax
chackney@educ.kent.edu
Marianne Bock
404 White Hall
Kent State University
Kent, OH 44242
(3300 672-2580
(330) 672-3246 fax
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