Women in administration face many challenges in their careers. When
the additional characteristics of racial and ethnic differences
are included, the challenges increase. The struggle to achieve fair
representation and adequate advancement opportunities within school
districts is a problem that disturbs minority women.
A review of the literature reveals little information
on the experience of Hispanic female administrators. Most of the
relevant literature deals with women in general. The studies that
do address minority themes ground themselves in the African-American
female experiences.
The U.S. government describes "Hispanics" as persons
of Puerto Rican, Mexican or Mexican American, Cuban, South or
Central American, or other Spanish ancestry. Many people from
these backgrounds use Latino or their actual country of origin
(Puerto Rican, Mexican, etc.) to describe themselves to others.
For convenience, I use the terms "Latina" and "Hispanic"
interchangeably in this study, although I know that some colleagues
take exception to both terms and to the labeling and marginalizing
that they represent.
To gain a deeper understanding of Hispanic women in administrative
positions, I asked Hispanic female principals to respond to a
questionnaire. Afterwards, I interviewed ten principals. I asked
them to report their experiences in five domains: career advancement,
cultural and ethnic identity, significant mentors, sexual harassment,
and the cultures of the schools in which they currently work.
My goal was to investigate Hispanic female principals' common
experiences, challenges, and victories. This paper is based upon
the experiences of ten Hispanic female principals in Chicago,
Texas and Wisconsin. The participants were five Puerto Rican,
one South American, and four Mexican female principals. All are
fluent Spanish-and English-speaking professionals between the
ages of thirty-five and fifty; three have doctoral degrees; four
are currently married, three are divorced, three are single, never
married. I interviewed each extensively to gain a richer understanding
of her experiences.
Language, Gender, and Culture
The dual impact of language and culture emerged
as both a source of success and as the reason for fear of failure
as perceived by eight of the interviewees. The gender issue varied,
depending on the community involved. High numbers of Latino families
in the community impacted the gender issue in a different way
from populations with lower numbers of Latino residents within
the community. The Hispanic women interviewed for this study shared
similar experiences in this area. Although they had the advantage
of communication in the school community's native language, those
interviewees who worked in communities with large Hispanic representations
felt they had been placed there chiefly because they were Hispanic
rather than because they were the best qualified for the position.
In communities with smaller Latino representations, the gender
issue of leadership weakness emerged. In several cases, parents
questioned the quality of the school's educational program with
a female principal at the helm. One respondent eloquently described
her first challenge in the principalship as that of "having
to prove yourself twice, first because you are female and second
because you are Hispanic!"
When asked if speaking a second language and being familiar with
the communities was of benefit to their leadership roles, their
responses in this area ranged from having the advantage of communicating
in two languages with their districts, especially those with high
correlations of Latino populations, to the negative experience
of having integrity and skills questioned on the premises of ethnic
differences between Hispanic groups. Linguistic barriers were
evidenced more by some than others. One respondent, who has a
distinct Spanish accent, claimed that people sometimes speak in
a louder voice as though if she does not understand. This makes
her angry because she claims her accent has nothing to do with
her hearing. She holds a Ph.D. and has worked hard to achieve
her position but struggles with the way in which she is sometimes
treated because of her strong Spanish accent and presence. She
has also had the uncomfortable experience of being accused of
preferring Puerto Ricans over Mexicans or other Latino groups.
The women protested the way in which their leadership was questioned
in terms of gender and culture. This created a highly stressful
work environment for the women who constantly had to prove themselves.
One principal's greatest challenge was convincing the Hispanic
males in her community and on her staff that she could handle
gang-and drug-related issues. In another school the parents (minority
and non-minority) began to transfer their children to other schools
because they believed that the school's educational quality might
go down with a female minority principal. Two of the principal's
suggestions and ideas were devalued in public meetings. According
to one respondent, when these ideas were presented later by a
male coordinator from the regional offices, they were more readily
accepted by the same audience.
Another area that was uncovered was the domain of intentional
and unintentional injury due to racism or lack of cultural sensitivity
on the part of colleagues and central office administration. Respondents
felt their colleagues were insensitive to their culture or gender
because of remarks and jokes expressed in their presence. Two
respondents expressed their resentment of negative innuendo such
as "muchacha," or "chica," which mean nothing
more than girl. Comments about ethnic foods, dress, and music
were also demeaning.
Other issues that emerged dealt with the participants' feelings
of isolation due to lack of trust within the educational system.
This feeling of isolation threatened their self confidence in
their own leadership. One respondent almost changed careers during
one of these episodes because of the loneliness and stress she
felt. The lack of a strong support system was another obstacle
to which several women alluded.
These difficulties are not uncommon to administrators in general,
but women (especially minority women), appear to face more challenges
these areas. This may be expressed as a form of culture shock.
Culture shock has been defined as the set of emotional reactions
to: the loss of reinforcements from one's own culture, new cultural
stimuli which have little or no meaning, and the misunderstanding
of new and diverse experiences (Adler, 1975).
Most disturbing to this researcher was the way in which the truth
of the painful experiences of these was cloaked to avoid dealing
with the reality of what they were actually experiencing in terms
of sexual and racial discrimination. Although they knew their
leadership skills were questioned unfairly by their superiors,
they learned to get around these painful issues and move on even
though they had not been vindicated. While this may be referred
to as developing a "thick skin," it seems as though
the women had placed masks over their beings and somehow had forgotten
to remove them at the end of the day. According to Sanford (1970),
the mask is the person we pretend to be, the false outer personality
which we turn to the world, but which is contradicted from within.
The mask is that which conceals our real thoughts and feelings,
which we come to use so habitually as a way to hide from others
and ourselves that we become unaware we have assumed it (p. 95).
Sanford further states that we begin to identify with the mask
and start to believe we are the person we pretend to be and are,
thus, unable to identify with our real self.
The reason this was such a disturbing finding to me was that it
forced me to take a good look in the mirror. As a female administrator,
I too, had learned to hide these painful experiences so deeply
that they were not dealt with at all. Some principals had ignored
and gone so far beyond the incidents that they had forgotten that
they had actually occurred.
Professional Promotion
When the principals were asked about their current
positions and future career promotion opportunities, the answers
were varied and, in some cases, surprising. One respondent felt
that she had been placed in her position because the school district
had a high influx of Hispanic students. Although she had excellent
credentials and a doctoral degree from a reputable school, she
felt her placement there was pure tokenism. She claimed her perception
would have been different if she had been placed in a less segregated
school. She also noted that in her district there were no superintendents
or other key positions held by Hispanic or female professionals.
Deitz (1992) touches upon the view of this respondent when she
states that people continue to hire in their own images and when
they do that, they hire people who are not Hispanic. Simply from
a traditional decision-making viewpoint, Hispanics are not sought
out often, and when they are sought out, they are sometimes sought
out in a token fashion, without any real desire of making an appointment
(p. 6-8).
One respondent felt that she acquired her position because of
luck, or being in the right place at the right time. She knew
she had leadership skills and talents but could not talk about
them specifically. It was hard for her to see or describe herself
as the most qualified for the position. Several respondents felt
they had achieved the opportunity to become principals because
of early retirement initiatives in their districts.
Career Advancement
Getting to "know thyself" as a leader
seems to be key to dealing with the dilemma of casualties in leadership.
Accurate self-assessment is absolutely crucial to leadership success;
however, for the female Hispanic it is culturally inappropriate
to sing her own praises. The interviewees had difficulty specifically
citing their leadership strengths and skills, and they attributed
much of their success to teamwork of staff and parents. It was
difficult for them to attribute their success to their own contributions.
This might be misinterpreted as a lack of self-esteem by superiors.
The Administrative Portfolio would serve as a tool for these Hispanic
women administrators who are reluctant to portray their successes
and accomplishments to conduct an accurate self-assessment. The
Administrative Portfolio, as suggested by Brown and Irby (1995),
is an excellent technique for self-assessment (p. 190-193). It
offers administrators an overview of where they have been, what
they have done, and what they need to be doing. Brown and Irby
suggest that, along with artifacts and reflections, transcripts,
letters of reference, a five year plan, personal philosophy of
education, samples of workshop certificates, and thank you notes
from administrators, parents, and students be included in the
administrative portfolio. Besides being a reliable tool to use
in to a job interview, the administrative portfolio can provide
the Hispanic female administrator documentation over time of her
very real skills.
When mentoring prospective female principals, much of the intervieweesÕ
advice dealt with knowing strengths and weaknesses as leaders.
Joining key educational organizations that foster and encourage
Hispanic administrator's development, as well as those organizations
that offer positive networking opportunities was highly recommended.
One respondent expressed the importance of her mentor's role in
her own mental health. She was advised to stay current on the
latest research as well as the occasional reading of a good novel.
This gave her a good sense of culture and helped her to relax,
enjoy, lighten up and not take herself so seriously. Understanding
the majority culture and its politics, including the "good
old boy network," was also advice she had received from mentors
and now passed on to others.
Status and Positions
One common theme that surfaced during the interviews
was that minority women tend to play several roles in their positions
as administrators. On the one hand, they are expected to represent
their ethnic group. They felt their ethnic groups were watching
them closely and would be quick to condemn them if they behaved
"too Anglo."
These women also felt their colleagues and central administrators
were always watching and that they would be viewed as "outsiders"
if they behaved "too Hispanic." Their performance as
leaders was always under the watchful eye of others, and they
were quick to be judged based on their femininity and ethnicity.
Another role conflict they perceived was that while they are expected
to behave as "ladies" on their jobs, this expectation
contributes to perceptions of vulnerability and weakness because
they are women. Getting angry or being assertive is acceptable
for a male administrator, but if a female administrator behaves
this way it must be because it is "that time of the month."
Menstrual cramps or pregnancies were cited as possible reasons
for the perception that women could not be effective in their
jobs.
Racial and Sexual Discrimination
Although all except one of the respondents acknowledged
sexual discrimination was present in their district, none of the
participants was overly concerned about this issue. According
to Brilles (1995) sexual discrimination may be expressed physically,
verbally, or non-verbally.
One respondent had experienced sexual harassment by way of jokes
that demeaned women. These jokes were related by male administrators
and colleagues in her presence. Although she asked them to stop,
they continued, so she walked away. Since then, communication
between male colleagues and this respondent have been somewhat
"cut off." She expressed a sense that they view her
as a prude and don't see her as a "team player," a situation
that she feels may have a substantial negative impact on her support
system.
Another respondent related an incident she experienced at a principals'
meeting. She has an Italian last name, although she is Puerto
Rican. A fellow principal had a complaint about "those"
Puerto Rican and Mexican kids transferring into his school. After
some nasty remarks about "those" kids, he asked if she
had been experiencing the same problems at her school. A little
embarrassed, she replied that she had been one of "those"
kids when she arrived from Puerto Rico to study on the mainland
and went on to share some cultural information to help him understand
the children's behaviors he had alluded to in his remarks. He
apologized for having possibly offended her, and he thanked her
for the information. He still calls her from time to time. Not
all Hispanics will respond or behave as this respondent did. Anger
or alienation are probably more typical reactions.
The successful women administrators interviewed utilized the worst
situations they encountered by creating opportunities to teach
and lead others into understanding. No longer could people around
them plead ignorance for their lack of cultural sensitivity. They
held those around them accountable for their actions. Their fear
and anger changed from internalizing to expressing to others understanding
of why their actions are unacceptable or inappropriate. This was
an advantage in their networking with others. As female Hispanic
principals continue to increase in numbers, they will deal with
cultural and language discrimination issues on a more frequent
basis than their female non-Hispanic colleagues. Like other women,
Hispanic women may experience different treatment because of their
gender, but, in the case of the Hispanic woman, being both
female and culturally different will often result in double discrimination.
Implications for the Future
As school districts continue to meet educational
needs of the large influx of Hispanic students, more emphasis
should be placed on hiring school administrators in key positions
that better reflect the ethnicity and cultural identities of the
student population. According to a 1991 article in the New York
Times, Chancellor Joseph A. Fernandez of the New York City's Public
School System pushed for increasing the number of Black, female,
and Hispanic principals who could serve as role models for their
students (Metropolitan News. p. B1 and B5). In 1995 the Chicago
Public Schools had a total of 123 Hispanics in administrative
positions, including facilitators, principals, assistant principals
and regional officers. In 1996 that number grew to 140. Hispanic
female principals made up 42 of the group in 1996 and Hispanic
male principals made up a total of 27 of those numbers (1996).
Results of this study point out that Hispanic female principals
do not want to be considered "outsiders" by their colleagues;
they seek entrance into leadership positions and acceptance by
the majority culture. Condescending attitudes and tokenism, once
they are detected, are destructive to positive working relationships.
In seeking to "know thyself" or what their leadership
styles are, it behooves all women to become knowledgeable about
the majority culture in which they work. Women will play a significant
role in the administration of education in the future, and more
effort needs to be expanded in support of females in key leadership
positions, including women of differing cultures and language,
so that their successes can become the successes of American urban
education.
Editors' Note: APA style is
followed as closely as possible using html. Indentions, spacing,
and footnoting may vary.
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Dr. Rosita Marcano is Assistant Professor of Leadership and Educational
Policy Studies at Northern Illinois State University. E-mail:
rlm@flash.net
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